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Yeah, as things stand there’s not much practical point in extending the discussion that far. It’s sort of one of the reasons I don’t like all the ‘exceptional circumstance’ paragraphs I’ve written about elsewhere. Their existence hides from many politicians, policy makers, academics and others the reality of how things work in practice at the moment. As soon as a ‘good migrant’ sympathetic case hits the media, officials use those provisions to grant that particular case.

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House of Lords Migration and Justice Report in Feb 2023 noted the sharp decrease in ADR Visa Grants since the changes to the Rules in 2012:

“2011 (1,783) 2012 (1,389) 2013 (784) 2014 (187) 2015 (64) 2016 (33) 2017 (11) 2018 (18) 2019 (16) 2020 (1) 2021 (0) Source: Home Office, ‘Statistical dataset, Managed migration datasets’ (24 November 2022): https://www.gov.uk/ government/statistical-data-sets/managed-migration-datasets#settlement [accessed 25th Nove

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House of Lords Migration and Justice Report (Feb 2023) noted the sharp decrease in ADR Visa Grants since the changes to the Rules in 2012:

“2011 (1,783) 2012 (1,389) 2013 (784) 2014 (187) 2015 (64) 2016 (33) 2017 (11) 2018 (18) 2019 (16) 2020 (1) 2021 (0) Source: Home Office, ‘Statistical dataset, Managed migration datasets’ (24 November 2022): https://www.gov.uk/ government/statistical-data-sets/managed-migration-datasets#settlement [accessed 25th November

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It makes me think about how distant the political philosophy discussion of the issue is from anything going on in the domain of law or policy. Briefly, political philosophers argue about whether privileging "romantic" relationships is impermissibly illiberal and whether neutrality doesn't shouldn't permit citizens to sponsor, say, close friends, instead or as well. Meanwhile, in the real world, parents can't get past Border Force.

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